It is widely acknowledged across the
political sector that the second Trump administration will usher in a sea
change within the United States that politicians, journalists, and historians
will be assessing through the year 2050 and beyond. Commentary will depend on
what transpires over the next 4-8 years and on the collective views of those
who exercise influence and power within the public square. It is commonly
believed that history is written by the winners, a view that is overly
simplistic. The historical record is comprised of many voices written from
various perspectives, including those that potentially can, as well as that are
less likely to be ultimately reconciled with the prevailing power
structure—itself, a fluctuating phenomenon. As the French philosopher, Michel Foucault
has so brilliantly illuminated, the power/knowledge relationship has an
indelible influence on what emerges as reality, a factor which cannot be
lightly ignored.
The Trump administration is taking a win-lose
approach in implementing its policies through significant governmental cuts
through quasi-legal staff removals in key administration positions and in
stifling dissent throughout the body politic by labeling the press as the enemy
of the people and threatening lawsuits or other means of intimidation against
those journalists or news agencies that they deem as critical of their
priorities. Stated otherwise, the Trump administration is seeking to create a
new reality through the cumulative impact of its policies, and in its
rhetorical power through persuasion and intimidation to shape the
interpretation of the world view they are seeking to put in place.
This world view represents a merger
between the Federalist Society Project 2025 vision of the decimation of what
its creators perceive as the administrative state and the hardcore MAGA
ideology underlying Trump’s own notions and those of his most ardent supporters
to destroy “Woke” power in as many areas as possible of U.S. political,
cultural, and social life. Whether through a rhetorical mirage, or in a more substantive
manner that provides concrete deliverables, the Trump administration seeks to
usher in a new “Golden Age” of America.
What is currently missing is any definitive crystallization of what this
would be comprised of, without which, it can only reside in the same mythological
imagery as its predecessor— “Make America Great Again”— which was heavy on
rhetoric and weak on specific accomplishments.
Whether Trump can move beyond imagery,
beyond, essentially the nihilistic, destructive power that his actions this
past month have currently engendered, toward substance, remains to be seen. In
ushering in the new Golden Age, the question is who is the “we” that is to be
incorporated into this mythological vision as well as, perhaps, the larger “we”
that is being demonized. Directly
related, what is the substance that this Golden Age vision proports to usher
in? How does it compare in concrete detail to the vision for the future presented
by the Biden administration in its incorporation of a long-range strategic plan
based on the development of high paying, environmentally sound jobs through
newer, corresponding technologies in manufacturing, transportation, and energy
through a revitalized American manufacturing base? In contrast to the inclusiveness of the Biden
Build Back Better vision, the Trumpian Golden Age, at its best, is exceedingly
ingrown in its exclusion of a great many people, whose cumulative perspective could
provide a great deal of value to the emergence of a viable U.S. future.
The president should be reminded that
the writing of the U.S. Constitution emerged through the collective insight of
the 55 that gathered in Philadelphia in the fateful summer of 1787, which
included several key compromises among competing constituents without which the
document would never have been written. The result was the formation of the
government that has remained in place for over 200 years, including its
aspirational Preamble that begins with identifying the underlying source of the
nation’s political legitimacy in “We the people.”
I contend with a straight face that the Build Back Better
vision (which would have taken two decades to fulfill) at least aspired in this
direction, which, from everything I have seen, thus far from the Trump
administration, points in a different direction.
My fondest hope is that the president would pay heed to the
better angels of his own soul through the still small voice of the one who
judges rightly, in which his successes would become those of “we the people.”
There seems to be something within him that requires perpetual conflict with
real and imagined opponents. This is not only a personal loss to any
realization of his better self. More fundamentally, its negative impact on the
nation may well lead to incalculable damage to the 236-year U.S. experiment in
constitutional governance itself—a failure that would likely have worldwide
significance. So, I am rooting for you Mr. President, to seek out those better
angels, but I am discerning, thus far, little prospect that your own interests
coincide with a “we the people” vision of the national interest. Hope springs eternal, but it cannot strain
credulity for those with eyes that see.
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